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Our data platform

How this is built.

This site is twenty-four sources of what government publishes about itself. Every one of them is a machine copy of something already public — a feed, an API, a spreadsheet, a search page — put into one place and made searchable.

This page is where each of them comes from, how often it is rebuilt, and what it leaves out. It used to be a paragraph at the foot of each source; it is here so that the gaps can be read together, which is the only way to see how uneven the record actually is.

Across the whole site

What is true of every source.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, body and summary in every source is the publisher’s own wording, and every row links back to the document it came from. No model reads, rewrites or summarises a document anywhere on this site. Where something has been worked out rather than copied — which court a case sits in, which sector a document belongs to, which body succeeded another — the section for that source says so in as many words.

Almost everything here is published under the Open Government Licence, which is what makes copying it legitimate. Where a source sits outside that — a regulator’s own feed, the National Archives’ judgment service — the source says whose terms apply.

Six things that are true of every source

  1. “Rebuilt” means the whole year is fetched again, not that new rows are appended. Most sources are rebuilt daily on weekdays. Government publishes very little at a weekend, so the audit sources and all but one of the publication sources stand still from Friday evening to Monday morning; news is the exception and runs every day. Two work differently by necessity: the regulators source accumulates rather than rebuilds, because several regulators’ feeds only show the last few items, and the ministerial meetings source moves at the speed of quarterly returns.
  2. A gap in a source is almost always a gap in what government published. These pages do not fill silences. If a department has filed nothing for a quarter, its rows stop; if a source cannot be read at all, the rebuild says which files it could not open rather than passing over them. Read an empty stretch as a fact about the publisher, and check the source’s own section below before reading it as anything else.
  3. The date on a row is the publisher’s date, and it is not always what you would assume. GOV.UK re-dates a document when it is amended, so a “2026” document may have been written in 2019 and had a link corrected since. Our data platform that draw on GOV.UK split the two apart and say which is which. The weekly briefing goes further and dates everything from when it first appeared in our own index, because that is the only date that answers “is this new to me?”.
  4. The search box that asks what your organisation does filters, it does not re-rank. Describe yourself and rows that do not reach your subject come off the screen altogether, rather than sinking to the bottom where they look like results. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors using a hand-written list of roughly twelve hundred terms, topped up by a second list grown from our data platform themselves and consulted only where the first finds nothing. Where a description is carried only by bare words rather than recognised phrases, the page says so — “read loosely as” — instead of pretending to confidence it does not have. Press Clear to see the source in full.
  5. What counts as a good enough match is judged against the rest of your results, not against a fixed number. Government publishes a great deal about housing and very little about bakeries, so a score that means “close” for one subject means “nothing like it” for another. The cut is therefore taken relative to the best match your own description found, with a floor underneath it. Where a meaning-based pass is available it runs after the word-based one and can only pull documents in, never push them out — so if it fails, times out or is switched off, you get exactly the result you would have got without it.
  6. Every table opens on ten rows. The button underneath doubles what is shown — ten, twenty, forty, eighty — because a table of several thousand rows drawn at once locks the tab. Hovering any value offers to filter by it in one click, and hovering a column heading lists that column’s values with counts.

Across the whole site

Sources and licences.

Nothing on this site is written by us, so everything on it belongs to somebody else and is used under their terms. This is the list: what each source reads, who publishes it, and the licence that permits it. Where a licence prescribes a form of words, the sentence is theirs and appears in the footer of the page that uses it.

Open Government Licence v3.0

The licence most of British government publishes under. It permits copying, adapting and commercial use, and asks one thing in return: the sentence “Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.” It does not cover personal data, which is the first item on its own list of exclusions.

  • GOV.UK Search and Content API — consultations, news, policy papers, guidance, FOI releases, statistics, RPC opinions, departmental impact assessments, post-implementation reviews, government bodies, and the meetings and regulators sources in part.
  • data.gov.uk organograms — Find an official. The licence covers the files; it does not cover the names inside them, which are handled under data protection law rather than under a licence.
  • Find a Tender and Contracts Finder — procurement notices. Notice data follows the TED schema, © European Union, 1998–2020.
  • Office for National Statistics — the release calendar behind the statistics source.
  • planning.data.gov.uk and GOV.UK intervention collections — local government.
  • Local Government Association, esd-toolkit programme — council powers and duties, attributed to the esd-toolkit programme as their terms ask.
  • Charity Commission — the charity lookup behind meeting briefings. Their API terms add a duty to acknowledge the source and not to misrepresent who owns it.
  • legislation.gov.uk — the Act and instrument links on post-implementation reviews. We only link; nothing is copied.

Open Parliament Licence v3.0

Parliamentary copyright is not Crown copyright and has its own licence. It is stricter about attribution than the OGL: where the OGL will accept a link to a page like this one, the Open Parliament Licence asks that the sentence “Contains Parliamentary information licensed under the Open Parliament Licence v3.0.” itself appears. It also excludes personal data and the Crowned Portcullis.

  • Hansard, written questions, written answers and written ministerial statements — the Parliament source.
  • The committees API — select committee reports and government responses.
  • The Members and Interests APIs — the background lookup behind meeting briefings.

Not under a licence at all

One register does not sit under any licence, and it is worth saying plainly rather than leaving to be inferred from the list above. The named contacts on the contacts page — officials, buyers and elected members, with the work email addresses their own organisations published — are personal data. Both the Open Government Licence and the Open Parliament Licence exclude personal data from what they grant, so neither one is what permits us to hold this.

What permits it is UK data protection law: our legitimate interests in helping somebody reach the part of government responsible for a document they have found. That is a weaker and more conditional thing than a licence, and it comes with obligations a licence does not have — a retention period, a stated purpose, and an unconditional right to be removed. All three are in the privacy notice.

The organisations’ own enquiries inboxes on the same page are a different matter: an inbox belongs to a body rather than a person, and those are under the Open Government Licence like the rest of GOV.UK.

Licences of their own

  • Find Case Law, The National Archives — the Open Justice Licence v2.0. It permits reading, searching and republishing metadata with attribution, and requires that judgments withdrawn or replaced come out of the source, which is why that updater rebuilds rather than merges. It reserves a longer list of things — text mining, classification, semantic search over the collection — to a separate free licence.
  • Scottish Parliament — the Scottish Parliament Copyright Licence. Like the OGL in shape, with two prohibitions the OGL does not have: no use for party political purposes, and none for advertising endorsement.
  • Senedd Cymru — unsettled. The Senedd’s open data page offers the Record of Proceedings under the Open Government Licence; its copyright page and its re-use policy point at a non-commercial licence instead. The source carries a plain acknowledgement while that is put to them.
  • Audit Scotland — the Open Government Licence, with their own attribution template naming each publication and its date.
  • Audit Wales — the Auditor General for Wales permits free re-use in any format, on condition the material is accurate, not used misleadingly, and the copyright acknowledged.
  • NHS England — the Open Government Licence, in the form NHS England prescribes for adapted data.
  • mySociety — council names and codes under CC BY 4.0, which unlike the OGL also requires us to say that we changed the data. We have.
  • Wikidata — CC0. Nothing is required; the credit is given because it is deserved.
  • National Audit Office — the exception on this page. NAO reports are not published under an open licence; their terms permit reproduction for non-commercial purposes only. What that means for this source is being settled with the NAO directly.

What a licence does not do

None of these licences covers personal data — every one of them excludes it in terms. Four sources name identifiable people: Find an official, the meetings source, the three parliaments, and case law. They rest on data protection law rather than on any licence, and the privacy notice sets out the basis, what is deliberately left out, and how to ask for something to be removed.

Whether it worked · the dashboard →

The eight audit sources.

What government forecast a rule would do, who marked that forecast, what the rule did five years on, and what the auditors and the courts made of it.

Whether it worked · the source →

Departmental impact assessments.

Read the assessments yourself.

Every rating on this page is transcribed from the scorecard printed in the assessment itself, and every title links to the source PDF. Nothing here is our judgement about a measure — it's the department's own, counted.

Impact assessments, 2026 — legislation.gov.uk

The full 2026 listing, updated as new assessments are deposited. This page tracks that listing and is refreshed weekly. Every rating here is transcribed from one of those PDFs.

Open the 2026 listing on legislation.gov.uk

Notes on the coding

What's in scope. All 131 entries listed for 2026 were checked. Forty turned out to be post-implementation reviews — 24 labelled as such in the listing, and a further 16 that only identify themselves that way once you open the PDF. Reviews use a different template and are not expected to carry a scorecard, so they are set aside. Of the 91 forward-looking assessments that remain, 43 carry a scorecard and appear here. The 16 reclassified on reading come from the extraction pass and, unlike the ratings, have not been separately re-checked; if any of them are in fact forward-looking assessments, the coverage figure is worse rather than better.

Two scales, one set of labels. Part A uses Positive, Neutral, Negative and Uncertain. Part B uses Supports, May work for, Neutral, May work against and Uncertain. They are shown on the same seven-step key so a row can be read straight across; the hover text always gives the department's own word. Where a department answered a Part B line with Part A's vocabulary, it is coded to the equivalent step and the original wording is preserved on hover.

▣ Published more than once. Fourteen rows are repeat publications of an assessment that also appears elsewhere in the table, because the same analysis was laid before more than one statutory instrument. A row counts as a repeat only where the title and all six ratings match; where the same policy was assessed twice with different ratings — planning committee modernisation is the one case — both are kept as separate assessments. Each row is kept so the table matches the official listing; the filter reduces it to 29 distinct assessments, and the summary figures above are calculated on those 29.

◆ Non-standard scorecards. The Russia sanctions assessment has no overall welfare row and merges business environment with international trade into a single line, so both cells carry that one rating. The Intellectual Property Office fee assessment gives only an overall welfare row in Part A. Both are mapped onto the nearest columns, with the full wording on hover.

Blanks. An empty cell means the line was left unanswered, or the scorecard sits beyond the readable extent of the published PDF. The Future Homes Standard assessment is the one case of the latter, and is noted on the row. Nothing is inferred to fill a gap.

A check on the reading. Nine of the 43 were independently re-read against the source PDFs by a second pass: 51 of 51 reachable rating cells matched. Two titles needed correcting; no rating did.

Whether it worked · the source →

Regulatory Policy Committee opinions.

Read the opinions yourself.

Every rating on this page is transcribed from the ratings table printed in the opinion itself. Nothing here is our judgement about a department — it's the RPC's, counted.

RPC opinions — GOV.UK collection

The Regulatory Policy Committee's published opinions, updated as new ones are issued. This page tracks that collection and is refreshed weekly.

Open the collection on GOV.UK

The other half — what departments said about themselves

This page is the marker's verdict. The regulatory scorecard is the homework: one page per assessment where the department states, in one word per line, which way each impact points. We coded every 2026 scorecard the same way.

Read the scorecards analysis

Notes on the coding

◆ Non-standard schemes. Three opinions use a different ratings table. The UK–India FTA opinion rates trade modelling, uncertainty, FTA impacts, wider impacts and M&E. The digital waste tracking and money laundering IAs use EANDCB and SaMBA as the pass/fail pair. Both are mapped onto the nearest columns, with the full set on hover.

▣ Composite entries. Where one publication covers several assessments, the cell shows the modal rating and the hover text gives the spread. The Employment Rights Bill row is the summary opinion covering 23 individual assessments, eight of which were not fit for purpose.

Two GOV.UK entries are merged: Future Homes and Future Buildings share a publication page and received identical sub-ratings, and the socially-rented-homes IA is listed under both DESNZ and MHCLG but appears once.

Whether it worked · the source →

Post-implementation reviews.

Read the reviews yourself.

Every rating on this page comes from the published review. Where a document is silent, the cell says so rather than being filled in by inference.

Post-implementation reviews — legislation.gov.uk

The impact assessment catalogue, filtered to the post-implementation stage. This page tracks the assessments numbered 2026 and is refreshed weekly.

Open the listing on legislation.gov.uk

The rest of the cycle

Before a regulation exists, the department forecasts its effects on a scorecard and the RPC marks the analysis. This page picks the story up five years later, when someone finally checks.

What the RPC keeps finding
What departments say their own rules will do

Notes on the coding

▣ Repeat filings. Three reviews are catalogued against more than one instrument: one transport review appears three times (IA 2026/110, 109 and 108), one railway licensing review twice (2026/26 and 25). Filtering to one row per review removes the copies. The nuclear third party liability review is a single document but carries a separate summary sheet, and a separate recommendation, for each of its three instruments — so 2026/89, 88 and 87 are counted as three reviews, not one.

◆ No front sheet. The Farming Rules for Water review (2026/86) has no PIR summary template at all — no PIR number, no type-of-review box, no recommendation and no RPC line. Those cells are marked as absent rather than guessed.

Objectives met. There is no such field on the PIR template, so each call is read from the review's own conclusion and shown with the sentence it rests on. "Partly" covers reviews that report progress on some objectives and not others; "can't tell" is reserved for the one review that says outright it cannot evaluate the measure.

Dates as printed. In-force dates are transcribed from the front sheet even where they are wrong: three reviews print the date of a parent or companion instrument rather than the one they are filed against, one gives two dates for two schemes, and one gives none. Several front sheets are dated months apart from the ministerial signature they carry.

Counting. This page counts the entries legislation.gov.uk itself tags at the post-implementation stage. The scorecards page reports a slightly higher number of reviews in the 2026 listing because it classifies every assessment by document type rather than by the catalogue's stage tag.

Whether it worked · the source →

National Audit Office reports.

Straight from the NAO.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, summary, report type, department and topic comes directly from the National Audit Office's own website. The NAO runs on WordPress, which publishes a read-only JSON feed of everything on it, so this source is the same set of documents the NAO's report search returns — just in a form a page can count. No model reads or rewrites anything, and the categories are the NAO's own filing, not ours. The source is rebuilt every week.

Search NAO reports on nao.org.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. This is the NAO's reports, not everything the NAO does. Its site files insights, briefings, overviews, work in progress and press releases as separate things, and none of them is here. A subject with no report may well have had a briefing — and a report listed as in progress today will only appear once it is published.
  2. The date shown is the publication date on nao.org.uk. A report's fieldwork can run for a year or more before that, so the date says when the findings became public, not when the period examined ended. For the years covered by any given study, read the report.
  3. The three kinds of report are not comparable. A value-for-money study is a piece of analysis that took months. A financial audit report is the statutory opinion on a set of accounts, published annually for every account the Comptroller and Auditor General signs, and its existence says nothing about whether anything was wrong. Counting them together tells you about workload, not about scrutiny — which is why the chart shades them differently and every filter keeps them apart.
  4. The bodies named are the NAO's own tags. A report on a cross-government problem may be tagged to one department, to several, or to “Cross-government”. Departments also get renamed and merged, and the NAO keeps historical names in its index, so the same organisation can appear under two entries.
  5. A gap is not an all-clear. The list of bodies with nothing recent is built by subtracting this source from the NAO's own index of bodies it has reported on. It shows where recent independent scrutiny is absent. It cannot show why — a body may be small, may be audited by someone else, may have been abolished, or may simply not have come up. The figure beside each name is the NAO's own count of everything filed under that body across its whole archive, reports and other material together, so read it as a rough measure of how much attention it once had rather than an exact report count.
  6. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same lexicon as the consultation finder, the news feed, the policy paper source, the guidance source and the transparency source, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the bodies whose documents usually belong to it. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the report has to sit squarely in your sector and its own title has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. Expect fewer matches here than on the other pages — the NAO audits government, not industry, so a great deal of the source is about how a department runs rather than about any sector. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the source in full.

Whether it worked · the source →

Audit Scotland.

Read from the page, because there is no feed.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date and link comes from Audit Scotland’s own publications search. No report is opened, and no model reads or summarises one. Audit Scotland audits Scottish councils, the NHS in Scotland, integration joint boards, colleges and central government, and everything it publishes in the year is here — reports, audit plans, briefings and blogs alike. The source is rebuilt weekly; the source page says when it last ran.

Audit Scotland’s own publications search

Four things to know before relying on this

  1. There is no feed, so the page itself is the interface. Unlike the National Audit Office, which runs WordPress and offers a machine-readable list, Audit Scotland publishes nothing of the kind — no RSS, no JSON, no sitemap at any of the usual addresses when they were checked in September 2026. So this source reads the published search results as a browser would. The parser is tested against saved copies of those pages, which means a redesign at audit.scot fails a test rather than quietly emptying the source.
  2. There is no publication type, and that is deliberate. Audit Scotland does not say whether something is a report, a briefing or a blog — not on the listing and not on the publication’s own page. An early draft read a type out of an icon in the markup, which turned out to belong to the site’s navigation and would have labelled everything the same. An absent column beats a confidently wrong one, so there is no Type filter here.
  3. A year at a time. The one thing audit.scot does offer is a year filter in the address, so the source is built a year at a time and earlier years are pulled in on request rather than loaded up front. A year that looks thin is a year Audit Scotland published less in, not a year the source missed.
  4. This is Scotland’s auditor, not the UK’s. Audit Scotland reports to the Auditor General for Scotland and the Accounts Commission on devolved Scottish public bodies. Work on UK-wide departments sits with the National Audit Office, and Welsh bodies with Audit Wales. A body that appears in none of the three is not necessarily unaudited — it may be audited by someone else entirely.

Whether it worked · the source →

Audit Wales.

One request per publication, because the dates are not on the list.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, summary, report type and topic comes from Audit Wales’s own publications listing, and every date from the publication’s own page. No report is opened beyond that, and no model reads or summarises one. Audit Wales covers Welsh councils, NHS Wales bodies, fire and rescue authorities and the Welsh Government. The source is rebuilt weekly; the source page says when it last ran.

Audit Wales’s own publications listing

Four things to know before relying on this

  1. The listing carries no date, so each publication has to be opened. Audit Wales shows a title, a summary, a report type and a topic on its listing — and no date. The date exists only on the publication’s own page, as a bare line of text that is not marked up as a date and not labelled “published”, which is why four sensible patterns missed it the first time. So the rebuild opens every publication in turn. That is one request each, it paces itself out of courtesy, and it is much slower than the Scottish one.
  2. Its own year filter cannot be used. The dropdown on audit.wales stops at 2024 and its values are opaque numbers rather than years, so it cannot be asked for the current year at all. The alternative considered — reading a year out of the address of an uploaded image — is not the publication date and would be wrong the first time they reused a picture.
  3. A gap at the end of a year is usually the walk stopping, not silence. Because there is no date on the listing, the rebuild works backwards and stops once it has seen several consecutive pages with nothing from the year it wants. That is the honest way to bound an undated list, but it means the very oldest items in a year can be missed where a page mixes years.
  4. This is Wales’s auditor, not the UK’s. Audit Wales reports to the Auditor General for Wales on devolved Welsh public bodies. UK-wide departments sit with the National Audit Office and Scottish bodies with Audit Scotland.

Whether it worked · the source →

Parliamentary committee reports.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, committee, house and paper number comes from Parliament’s own committees API — the same records that drive the committees website. No model reads or rewrites anything. The line under each title is the inquiry the document belongs to, in the committee’s own words, and the paper number beside it (HC 606, HL Paper 48) is how the document is cited. The source is rebuilt every day; the source page says when it last ran.

Search committee publications on parliament.uk

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. This is three of Parliament’s sixteen publication types, not all of them. Here are reports (the conclusion of an inquiry, agreed by the committee and published by order of the House), special reports (usually the committee publishing a department’s answer alongside its own comment) and government responses (the department replying, including the Treasury minutes that answer the Public Accounts Committee). The other thirteen types are the paperwork around that work: correspondence, formal minutes, agendas, attendance figures, declarations of interest, and written and oral evidence. They run to several thousand documents a year against roughly five hundred findings, so including them would bury the findings rather than add to them. They are all on Parliament’s listing.
  2. A committee’s conclusions are not a decision. A select committee is a group of MPs or peers who take evidence on one subject and publish what they found. Their recommendations carry no legal force. What they do carry is an obligation on the department to answer in public, which is why the responses are in here beside the reports rather than filed somewhere else.
  3. Joint means both Houses, not either. A joint committee — Human Rights, Statutory Instruments, National Security Strategy — is made up of members of the Commons and the Lords sitting together, so it appears under Joint and not under the other two. The source page gives the split between the three.
  4. The date is Parliament’s, and one report can appear more than once. Dates are the publication dates Parliament records, not the day we first saw a document, and an inquiry that ends in a report and then a government response months later is two entries because they are two documents. Where a committee also publishes an Easy Read or Large Print edition, Parliament files it as a separate publication with its own reference; those are folded back into the report they belong to, so one report counts once.
  5. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the National Audit Office source, the consultation finder and the rest, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, and a report has to reach that sector, or use your own words in its title, to stay on screen. Committees scrutinise departments rather than industries, so expect fewer matches here than on the guidance source — and press Clear to see the year in full. Built from an API that Parliament runs but does not publish a specification for, so a field could change without notice; the sanity check in the refresh job is there for that.

Whether it worked · the source →

Case law.

How this decides the state is involved.

Nothing here is written by us, and nothing here has been read by a machine

Every case name, date, citation, court and link comes from Find Case Law, the National Archives’ official judgment service. No judgment is opened, and no model reads or summarises one. The source is rebuilt every day; the source page says when it last ran.

Contains information licensed under the Open Justice – Licence v2.0.

Search judgments on Find Case Law

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. “A public body is a party” is not a field anybody publishes. Find Case Law records a court, a date, a citation and a case name. Nothing in it says “one side of this is the state”. So this source gets at it a different way: it takes whole benches whose jurisdiction means a public body is a party. The Administrative Court hears judicial review. The Tax Chamber hears appeals against HMRC. The General Regulatory Chamber hears appeals against the Information Commissioner, Ofcom and the Charity Commission. SIAC hears appeals against the Home Secretary. On those benches a purely private case is close to impossible. The source page lists the courts and tribunals included, and splits the judgments between them.
  2. That means some obvious cases are missing, and the gap is deliberate. A Supreme Court judicial review is the most consequential public-law case of its year, and it is not here. Neither is a council in the Family Court, an NHS trust sued in the King’s Bench, or a government department in the Court of Appeal. Reaching those means reading each case name and working out whether a party is public — which is computational analysis under the Open Justice Licence and needs a separate permission from the National Archives. That permission has been applied for. The code that does the reading is written and tested; it is switched off until the licence arrives, and it refuses to run if you try.
  3. Fewer of these are the government losing than you might think. A tribunal appeal is the ordinary machinery of the state being challenged — a tax assessment, a visa refusal, an information request — and most are dismissed. The source shows that the challenge was made and where it was heard. What it says about who won is nothing at all: that is in the judgment, and reading the judgment is the point.
  4. The description box works less well here than on the other sources. Everywhere else it has a title and a summary paragraph to work with. A judgment arrives as a case name of six or seven words and no summary, because the feed carries none. So it matches on the name, the court and the citation, and it will miss cases that are squarely yours but named after two people. On this page the free-text search and the court filter will usually serve you better; press Clear and use those.
  5. Judgments can be withdrawn, and this source has to let them go. The licence obliges anybody republishing to remove judgments that stop being published or are replaced by a revised version. This file is rebuilt from the source every day rather than added to, so a withdrawn judgment falls out on its own rather than sitting here after it has gone. Dates are the date the court first published, not the day we saw it.

What government is doing · the source →

Government consultations.

Straight from GOV.UK.

Nothing here is inferred

Every title, date, summary and document link comes directly from the GOV.UK Search and Content APIs. No model reads or rewrites anything, and the page is rebuilt once a week so a new consultation shows up within days of being published.

Browse consultations on GOV.UK

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. It is a snapshot, not a live feed. The page is rebuilt from GOV.UK once a week. A consultation can open, or a deadline can move, between rebuilds — check the GOV.UK page before you rely on a closing date.
  2. “2026” means published or updated in 2026. Open consultations are listed in full whenever they started. Closed ones and published outcomes appear only if GOV.UK touched them during 2026, so a consultation that closed in 2025 and has sat untouched since will not be here.
  3. Calls for evidence are not a separate type on GOV.UK. They are filed as consultations, so they appear in the list with a “Call for evidence” tag applied where the title or summary identifies one. A call for evidence whose wording avoids the phrase will be untagged.
  4. A handful of open entries have closing dates that have already passed. Those are shown as “Just closed” — GOV.UK had not yet moved them on at the time of the rebuild.
  5. Topics come from GOV.UK's own taxonomy. A consultation can carry several, or none. An untagged entry is not off-topic; it simply has not been filed against a top-level topic.
  6. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the departments whose consultations usually belong to it. That is why a payments firm sees payment services regulation and not late payment practices, though both say “payments”. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the consultation has to sit squarely in your sector and its own title has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Most descriptions will clear it for nothing at all, and the page says so rather than promoting near misses. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. The sector list is ours and it is incomplete: an organisation it cannot place is told so, and falls back to shared words alone. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the source in full, and treat the department and topic filters as a second way in.

What government is doing · the source →

Press releases and government news.

Straight from GOV.UK.

Nothing here is written by us

Every headline, date, summary and link comes directly from the GOV.UK Search API — the same index behind GOV.UK's own news page. No model reads or rewrites anything. The only judgement we add is which of four categories a document type belongs to, and that mapping is published in the code. The page is rebuilt once a day, so a new announcement shows up the following morning.

Browse news and communications on GOV.UK

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. It starts on 1 August 2026 and grows. The source is cumulative from that date, not a rolling window, so nothing already listed ever drops off. It is a snapshot rebuilt each morning rather than a live feed, so something published this afternoon appears tomorrow.
  2. Bulk tribunal decisions are left out. GOV.UK files employment tribunal, employment appeal, tax tribunal and Upper Tribunal (AAC) judgments in the same feed as press releases — and there are far more of them than of everything else combined. They are case law published in bulk rather than government news, so they are excluded. Everything else GOV.UK lists is here.
  3. The four categories are ours, the document types are GOV.UK's. "Press releases", "News and speeches", "Decisions and rulings" and "Letters and other" are a plain-English layer we put over GOV.UK's dozen or so document types, because most people arrive wanting an announcement or a ruling and not both. The exact type is always shown on the card, and the Document type filter works on GOV.UK's own labels. A type GOV.UK adds later lands in "Letters and other" until we place it.
  4. Topics come from GOV.UK's own taxonomy. An item can carry several, or none. An untagged item is not off-topic; it simply has not been filed against a top-level topic.
  5. A few items have no publishing body. GOV.UK attributes almost everything to a department or agency, but not quite everything. Those are shown as such rather than guessed at.
  6. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same lexicon as the consultation finder, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the bodies whose announcements usually belong to it. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the item has to sit squarely in your sector and its own headline has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Over a short window most descriptions will clear it for nothing at all, and the page says so rather than promoting near misses. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. The sector list is ours and it is incomplete: an organisation it cannot place is told so, and falls back to shared words alone. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the feed in full, and treat the body and topic filters as a second way in.

What government is doing · the source →

Government policy papers.

Straight from GOV.UK.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, summary, change note and link comes directly from two public GOV.UK APIs — the Search API that powers GOV.UK's own policy paper finder, and the Content API that carries each paper's publication history. No model reads or rewrites anything. The only judgements we add are the three provenance categories, which are read straight off the dates, and a keyword reading of each change note — and both mappings are published in the code. The source is rebuilt every week.

Browse policy papers on GOV.UK

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. The year on the source means re-dated in that year, not written in it. The source is everything GOV.UK's policy paper list carries that year's date for, which is the same set that finder returns. Splitting out what was actually written this year is the point of the page, not a caveat — but it does mean the headline count is larger than the number of new papers.
  2. Policy papers only. GOV.UK's finder mixes policy papers with consultations, impact assessments, guidance and corporate reports. This source takes the policy papers alone. Consultations and impact assessments have pages of their own.
  3. The change note is the department's, the reading of it is ours. Departments write a free-text note every time they amend a published paper. The exact wording is always shown on the card. The label beside it — document added, text changed, housekeeping — is a keyword reading of that wording, and it will get some of them wrong. Where the note is ambiguous the paper is labelled as such rather than guessed at.
  4. A revision count is not a measure of effort. The most-revised paper here has been amended many times over; several of those changes will be a new annex, and several will be a corrected date. Counting them says how often a document has been reopened, and nothing at all about how much of it changed.
  5. Topics come from GOV.UK's own taxonomy. A paper can carry several, or none. An untagged paper is not off-topic; it simply has not been filed against a top-level topic.
  6. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same lexicon as the consultation finder and the news feed, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the bodies whose papers usually belong to it. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the paper has to sit squarely in your sector and its own title has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Most descriptions will clear it for a handful of papers at most, and the page says so rather than promoting near misses. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. The sector list is ours and it is incomplete: an organisation it cannot place is told so, and falls back to shared words alone. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the source in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Guidance and regulation.

Straight from GOV.UK.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, summary, document type, change note and link comes directly from two public GOV.UK APIs — the Search API that powers GOV.UK's own guidance and regulation finder, and the Content API that carries each document's publication history. No model reads or rewrites anything. The document types are GOV.UK's own, unchanged. The only judgements we add are how many amendments a document has had, which is counted rather than decided, and a keyword reading of each change note — and that mapping is published in the code. The source is rebuilt every week.

Browse guidance and regulation on GOV.UK

Seven things to know before relying on this

  1. This is the new guidance, not the whole feed. GOV.UK's finder shows everything it has re-dated in the current year. This source is the part of that which was first published in the year; the source page gives both numbers. The older documents in that feed are real guidance and may well have changed substantially; they are simply not new, and a page that mixed them in would not be able to tell you which was which. If you are checking whether a particular piece of guidance still stands, go to GOV.UK, not here.
  2. The document types are GOV.UK's, and they are uneven. Nearly half of a year's new guidance is filed under the single word "guidance", with "detailed guide" and "notice" taking most of the rest. That is the source's own filing, kept unchanged on purpose: tidier categories would be our judgement dressed up as the department's. Only statutory guidance and regulation tell you anything about legal force, and even those are a filing label rather than a legal opinion.
  3. The change note is the department's, the reading of it is ours. Departments write a free-text note every time they amend a published document. The exact wording is always shown on the card. The label beside it — document added, text changed, housekeeping — is a keyword reading of that wording, and it will get some of them wrong. Where the note is ambiguous the document is labelled as such rather than guessed at.
  4. The month chart measures exposure as much as churn. A document published in January has had the rest of the year to be amended; one published last month has had weeks. The lime share therefore falls as the chart goes down, and that fall is not evidence that guidance is settling. Comparing a month against the same month next year is the only fair reading.
  5. An amendment count is not a measure of change. The most-amended document here has been reopened many times over; some of those will be a new annex and some a corrected link. Counting them says how often a page has been reopened, and nothing about how much of it moved.
  6. Guidance is not the same thing as the rule. Almost none of what is here is legislation. It is government explaining what it expects, which is usually what people comply with in practice but is not always what a court would enforce. Where the distinction matters to you, the underlying instrument matters more than the guidance page.
  7. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same lexicon as the consultation finder, the news feed and the policy paper source, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the bodies whose documents usually belong to it. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the document has to sit squarely in your sector and its own title has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. The sector list is ours and it is incomplete: an organisation it cannot place is told so, and falls back to shared words alone. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the source in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Transparency and FOI releases.

Straight from GOV.UK.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, summary, document type, publishing body, change note and file list comes directly from two public GOV.UK APIs — the Search API that powers GOV.UK's own transparency and freedom of information finder, and the Content API that carries each release's publication history and attachments. No model reads or rewrites anything. The document types are GOV.UK's own, unchanged. The two things we add are a plain reading of whether a release answered a request, which comes one-for-one from GOV.UK's own document type, and a grouping of file extensions into formats, which is published in the code. The source is rebuilt every week.

Browse what government discloses releases on GOV.UK

Seven things to know before relying on this

  1. This is not the FOI system. It is what government chose to publish on GOV.UK. Most FOI requests are answered privately by email and never appear here, and the bodies that do publish their responses are mostly small ones with a policy of doing so. The FOI releases on the source are a fraction of the requests government actually answered this year, and nothing here supports a claim about how much or how well it answers them. For that, the Cabinet Office's quarterly FOI statistics are the source, not this page.
  2. This is the new material, not the whole feed. GOV.UK's finder shows everything it has re-dated in the current year. This source is the part of that which was first published in the year; the source page gives both numbers. The older ones are real releases and may well have been updated substantially; they are simply not new.
  3. The finder mixes four different things. Alongside FOI releases it carries routine transparency data, corporate reports, and the accident investigation reports of the air, marine and rail branches. They sit together because GOV.UK files them together, not because they belong together. The document type filter separates them.
  4. “Because someone asked” is GOV.UK's label, not ours. A release counts as answering a request if and only if GOV.UK types it as an FOI release. That is a filing decision made by whoever published it, and some genuine disclosures are filed as transparency data instead. The split is as good as the source's own filing and no better.
  5. The format tells you what is attached, not what is inside it. A release grouped as “comes as data” has at least one spreadsheet or CSV among its files. It does not follow that the data is complete, tidy, or the part you wanted — a single-cell CSV counts the same as a full spend return. Equally, “page only” is sometimes the right answer: a short response needs no file.
  6. The topics are GOV.UK's own. Corporate information is also over-represented by construction: a great deal of what a department publishes about itself is, correctly, filed as being about itself.
  7. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same lexicon as the consultation finder, the news feed, the policy paper source and the guidance source, so a description that works there works here. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, using the phrases each one uses and the bodies whose documents usually belong to it. Directly relevant is a deliberately high bar: the release has to sit squarely in your sector and its own title has to name what you do, in your sector's words. Everything else in your area, or sharing your wording, drops to might also be worth a look. Expect fewer matches here than on the other pages — most of what government discloses is about its own running rather than about any industry. Anything outside your sector and phrased in words you did not use is dropped without being named, so press Clear to see the source in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Parliament.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, department and house comes from Parliament’s own systems — Hansard for the debates, the questions and statements service for the rest. No model reads or rewrites anything. The line under each title is an extract of the record itself: the first thing actually said in a debate, the opening of a statement, or the subject heading and the minister’s answer. The source is rebuilt every day; the source page says when it last ran.

Search Hansard on parliament.uk

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. This page loads one month, not one year. Every other source here holds a year and offers the ones before it. This one cannot. Parliament answered 56,923 written questions in 2026, against 4,883 debates and roughly a hundred statements a month — so a single year of it, stored as leanly as it is worth storing, is close to thirty megabytes. That is larger than the rest of this site put together. A month runs from about a thousand items in a recess to eleven thousand in a busy one, so the page loads the current month and the control above fetches the others one at a time. A search only looks at the months you have loaded, and the line above the results always says which those are.
  2. Written answers are most of what is here, and they are the smallest unit. A written answer is one minister replying to one member’s question, in writing, usually within a week. It is not a policy announcement and it does not bind anybody — but it is often the only place a department says in plain words how a rule applies to a particular trade. That is why they are in here despite the volume. Where a minister answers only by pointing at an earlier answer, the row keeps the question and shows the subject heading rather than reprinting the pointer. Where several members ask the same thing and get one reply, the question appears once.
  3. The debate summary is an extract, not a summary. Hansard publishes no abstract of a debate, so the line under each debate is the opening of the first substantive contribution — skipping the procedural formula (“Motion made, and Question proposed…”) that starts almost all of them. It tells you what the debate opened on. It does not tell you what was concluded, and a long debate can end somewhere its first speech does not point.
  4. Hansard’s search API is not a published one. The debates here come from the service behind the Hansard search page. It works, it is stable, and it appears in no specification, on no developer hub page and in no swagger file — so unlike the questions and statements API there is nothing to check our reading of it against. If a field is renamed, the daily refresh is meant to fail rather than publish an empty source: there is a test against recorded responses that runs first, and a guard that refuses to overwrite a good month with a much smaller one. Both are precautions, not guarantees.
  5. What is deliberately not here. Oral questions have their own page and the evidence submitted to committees is not in this source; committee reports have their own page under Whether it worked. Statutory instruments are not here either — they are law rather than communication. And the match box works from the same hand-written sector list as the consultation finder and the rest, so a description that works there works here; a debate or an answer has to reach your sector, or use your own words, to stay on screen. Press Clear to see the month in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Written questions.

Nothing here is written by us

Every question, date, member, department and house comes from Parliament’s own questions and statements service. No model reads or rewrites anything. The only thing done to the text is to take off the opening that every question carries — “To ask the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care,” — so that the column reads as the question rather than as six hundred identical throat-clearings. The source is rebuilt every weekday; the source page says when it last ran.

Search questions and statements on parliament.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. This is the question, not the answer — and that is the difference from the Parliament source. The Parliament source holds written answers, keyed on the day the answer was published, one rolling month at a time. It cannot show you a question nobody has answered, because until there is an answer there is nothing for it to key on. This one is keyed on the day the question was tabled, so a question appears the day it is asked and the answer is filled in when it arrives. An answered question is therefore on both, said two different ways. If you want what a minister said, use Parliament. If you want what a department has been asked and has not yet replied to, it is only here.
  2. It starts in July 2024, and that is a choice. The 2024 general election was on 4 July and the new Parliament first sat on the 9th. Asking the API for anything earlier returns the tail of the previous Parliament — a different government, answering to different members, on the same page with nothing to say so. The floor is set at July 2024 deliberately, and the count on the page is the count since then, not since records began.
  3. This page loads one month, not one year. Parliament was asked 65,108 written questions in the first nine months of 2026 alone. A year of them, stored as leanly as it is worth storing, is around thirty megabytes — larger than most of the rest of this site. So the page loads the current month and the control above fetches the others one at a time. A search only looks at the months you have loaded, and the line above the results always says which those are.
  4. The archive holds no answers, only the questions and where to find the answers. Keeping the text of every answer since July 2024 would come to well over a hundred megabytes. Recent months carry a short extract of the answer; older ones carry the question, the member, the department, the dates and the link, and nothing else. That is a real limitation and it is the reason every row links back to Parliament, where the answer sits in full. Which months are which is recorded in each month’s file.
  5. The question text is Parliament’s, and Parliament’s list cuts it. The service’s list of questions returns about the first 250 characters of each one, sometimes mid-word, with nothing to mark that it has been cut. A row that arrived that way ends in an ellipsis here so that you can see it. The full text is always one click away on Parliament’s own page, and a long question — and they run to five hundred characters and more — frequently asks several things at once, only the first of which is on screen.
  6. “Waiting 12 days” is elapsed time, not lateness. It counts from the day the question was tabled to today, across recesses, weekends and dissolutions alike. Most written questions carry no binding deadline at all: the Commons expects an answer within a working week and the Lords within a fortnight, but those are expectations rather than rules. The exception is a named day question, which names the date the member wants an answer by; those are marked as such, and one that is past its date says so. Treat everything else as a description of how long something has taken, not as a finding that anybody is late.

What is deliberately not here

  1. Withdrawn questions. A member can take a question back. Parliament keeps the record; this source does not, because the row would carry a question nobody is going to answer and no answer to wait for.
  2. The same question asked by several members. When a group of members ask the same thing it is answered once and Parliament links them. An answered group appears here once. An unanswered group does not get folded: two members each waiting is two questions the department owes, and collapsing them would understate that.
  3. Answers that only point at another answer. “I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave on 3 June” is not a description of anything, so the row keeps the question and shows the subject heading instead. The answer itself is on Parliament’s page.
  4. Oral questions. Questions asked and answered at the despatch box are a different record and are not here. Written ministerial statements are here, on the same page, because they come from the same service and a reader looking for what a department has put in writing wants both.

What government is doing · the source →

Scottish Parliament proceedings.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date and committee name comes from the Scottish Parliament’s own Official Report listing. The Official Report is Holyrood’s equivalent of Hansard: a substantially verbatim record of everything said in the chamber and in committee. What this source holds is its table of contents — one row for each item of business, linked to the passage of the report where it appears. No model reads or rewrites anything. The source is rebuilt every weekday; the source page says when it last ran.

Search the Official Report on parliament.scot

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. This source indexes the agenda, not the speeches. A row is one item of business — First Minister’s question time, a ministerial statement, one debate, one committee evidence session — and it links to that item in the Official Report. The words themselves are not searched here. Search the text box for “housing” and you get items called something about housing, not every mention of the word in a debate about something else. Parliament’s own Official Report search does the full-text job, and every row here carries a link into it.
  2. Scotland has no API for this, so this one is scraped. The Parliament runs a real open-data platform at data.parliament.scot — members, motions, questions, bills, petitions, votes — and the Official Report is not on it. So this source is built by reading the listing pages the website itself renders. That is more fragile than an API: a change to the page markup would break it. The refresh job is written to stop and leave the source alone rather than publish an empty one, and the test that guards the markup runs before every refresh.
  3. Some of these reports are drafts. Holyrood publishes an unrevised report quickly and a final one later. Where the Parliament marks a sitting as a draft, the row says so. The wording of a draft can change before it is final; the item and its link do not.
  4. The kind of business is the Parliament’s word, or nothing. The type shown beside each date — question time, decision time, a statement, a bill stage — is set only where the item’s title matches one of Holyrood’s standing forms exactly. A debate with an ordinary title stays as “item of business” rather than being guessed at, which is why so many rows read that way.
  5. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the National Audit Office source, the consultation finder and the rest. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, and an item has to reach that sector, or use your own words in its title, to stay on screen. This source gives it less to work with than most — an item of business is a headline and nothing else — so expect fewer matches here, and press Clear to see the year in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Senedd proceedings.

Nothing here is written by us

The Senedd publishes its Record of Proceedings as machine-readable XML — one file per meeting, Plenary and committee alike, free and without registration. Every title, date, committee, speaker and timestamp here comes out of that file. No model reads or rewrites anything. The line under each title counts the contributions and names who opened the item. It used to quote the item’s opening words as well; that came out on 8 September 2026 because the Record is the Senedd’s own words and the Senedd’s re-use terms contradict each other — its open data page offers the Open Government Licence, its copyright page bars use “for commercial purposes or financial gain”. The question is with them. Counts, names and links are facts and stay. The source is rebuilt every weekday; the source page says when it last ran.

The Senedd’s XML export

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. A row is an agenda item, not a speech and not a day. The Senedd’s export is finer than this source: it holds every individual contribution, several hundred on a Plenary afternoon. Those are grouped back up to the agenda item the Senedd itself names, and the row links to the first contribution in it, so you land at the start of the item rather than the top of the day.
  2. This is the English record. The Senedd works in both languages and publishes Welsh, English and bilingual versions of every meeting. The English export is read here, which means a contribution made in Welsh appears in translation. If the exact words matter — and in a bilingual legislature they sometimes do — the bilingual version is a click away and shows both columns side by side.
  3. Private business is not in the record, so it is not here. A committee that resolves to exclude the public keeps a minute rather than a transcript. You will often see the motion to go into private session as the last item of a meeting and nothing after it. That is the record being accurate, not this source being short.
  4. The kind of business is the Senedd’s word, or nothing. The type beside each date — questions, a statement, a procedural motion, an evidence session — is set only where the item’s title matches one of the Senedd’s standing forms. Anything else stays “item of business” rather than being guessed at.
  5. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the National Audit Office source, the consultation finder and the rest, so a description that works there works here. It has no more to work with here than on the Scottish source: both carry the item’s title and not its words. Press Clear to see the year in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Regulators.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, summary and link comes out of a regulator’s own feed or out of the GOV.UK Search API. No model reads or rewrites anything. Which regulators count as regulators is not our judgement either: the list is the twenty members of the UK Regulators’ Network together with the bodies named in the Schedule to the Economic Growth (Regulatory Functions) Order 2017, as amended in 2024 to add Ofcom, Ofgem and Ofwat. The source is rebuilt every weekday; the source page says when it last ran.

The UK Regulators’ Network

Seven things to know before relying on this

  1. Every regulator’s description is its own. The sentence under each name in the directory was read off that body’s own website or its GOV.UK page on 7 September 2026 and compressed, never written from memory. Where a fetched page named the Act behind the body, it is shown; where none did, the field is simply absent — seventeen of the sixty-six carry a statute for that reason, and filling in the other forty-nine from general knowledge would make the field less trustworthy, not more.
  2. The directory is national regulators only, and for most small organisations that is not the whole answer. The body that inspects a café’s kitchen or licenses its tables on the pavement is the council, not the Food Standards Agency; the professional bodies that regulate doctors, accountants and engineers are not on either statutory list. If nothing here matches your description, that is a real answer rather than a failed search — try the local government for the local half.
  3. Most regulators are not in here, and the reason is worth knowing. Twenty websites were probed on 6 September 2026 and five had a source worth reading. Ofcom, the ICO, the Payment Systems Regulator, the Pensions Regulator, the FRC, the CAA, the SRA, the Bar Standards Board, the NMC, WICS, the Takeover Panel and the Independent Football Regulator publish a sitemap and nothing more — a list of addresses with no titles on them. Ofgem and the Northern Ireland Utility Regulator serve a feed that is valid, well formed and completely empty. Ofwat refused every request but its homepage. None of that is a judgement about them; it is what a machine can read today.
  4. The Financial Conduct Authority is deliberately not here. It was, until 8 September 2026. Of every publisher this site reads, the FCA is the only one whose terms expressly forbid automated collection — no “scraper, robot, bot, spider, data mining, computer code, or any other automated device” without written consent — and its news pages are not under an open licence. The twenty rows the feed had produced were deleted with it. Its entry in the directory below stays, because naming a regulator and linking to its website is a fact about the world rather than a copy of anything.
  5. The feeds have no memory, so this source is only as old as it is. An RSS feed carries the last twenty items and no archive. The Office of Rail and Road rows therefore accumulate from the day this source started rather than reaching back, and nothing older can be recovered from the feed later. The GOV.UK-hosted regulators are the opposite: their whole history is available and is rebuilt in full every run, so a withdrawn document really does disappear.
  6. The kind of thing each row is comes from the publisher, not from us. On GOV.UK it is that document’s own type. On a feed there is no such field, so everything a news feed carries is filed as news — which means an enforcement decision announced through a regulator’s news feed says “News”, because guessing from the wording of a headline is how a source starts inventing things.
  7. The two GOV.UK regulators here are the two that are nowhere else on this site. The Regulator of Social Housing and the Single Source Regulations Office are UKRN members whose output the other sources do not reach far enough back to hold. The big GOV.UK regulators — the Environment Agency, the CMA, MHRA, HMRC, Ofsted — are deliberately not fetched here, because they are already in the consultations, news, guidance, policy-paper and FOI sources. The section above counts them where they are instead of listing them twice.
  8. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the consultation finder, the National Audit Office source and the rest, so a description that works there works here. Press Clear to see the year in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Procurement: tenders and frameworks.

Ninety days, five kinds of notice.

Eight things to know before relying on this

  1. Two services, and they do not cover the same ground. Above the procurement thresholds a buyer must advertise on Find a Tender. Below them, and for most of what English councils, NHS trusts and universities buy, the notice goes on Contracts Finder instead. This source reads both, and the Service filter picks between them. It matters because the two are not the same size of thing: a Find a Tender notice is typically a national framework worth millions, while a Contracts Finder notice can be a £25,000 school taxi route. Every row says which service it came from once both are on screen, and the line above the table gives the split. The two overlap at the top end, because a large buyer may publish in both places.
  2. Contracts Finder is fetched only when you ask for it. It is much the larger of the two, so the page loads Find a Tender alone and reaches for the rest the moment you touch the Service filter or search for a supplier. That is why the table pauses for a moment the first time.
  3. The live register is a window; the history is separate. Find a Tender publishes about 296 notices a day, so ninety days is roughly 26,000 records and nobody is bidding for a contract that closed last autumn. The source therefore keeps ninety days and drops what falls out of the back. Earlier years are kept apart, under Year, and hold awards and contracts only — what was let and to whom. An expired opportunity is not history. Descriptions and closing dates are not kept in the archive either, which is what makes a whole year small enough to fetch.
  4. The winner is named on the notice, where the buyer named one. This source only began reading that field on 5 September 2026, and a notice already on file was not re-read, so the older end of the window still says “not recorded”. Nothing is missing from Find a Tender itself — it is missing from our copy, and it fills in as the window turns over. The line above the results says how many of the notices you are looking at name a supplier.
  5. A framework award names everybody appointed to it. When a buyer sets up a framework — a list of pre-approved suppliers to call off from later — the award notice can name forty firms and carry the ceiling value of the whole thing rather than any money actually spent. Ten notices account for over half the total value in the window. So read a value as the size of the arrangement, not as a cheque.
  6. The five stages are derived, not given. Find a Tender publishes to an international standard that recognises planning, tender and award; “pipeline” and “contract” are British concepts on top of it, worked out here from the notice type. One error would matter more than the rest — showing a cancelled procurement as a live opportunity — so cancellations, terminations and withdrawals are dropped outright rather than matched by a rule that could catch them by accident.
  7. The filters read the notice, not the contract. Sector comes from the buyer’s procurement code and Type from the box they ticked, so a mis-filed notice is filed wrongly here too. Size bands use the value on the notice, which on a framework is the ceiling of the arrangement rather than money spent. And Closing only means something on an opportunity — an award has nothing left to close, so choosing it empties the award stages by design.
  8. The match is a suggestion, and it says so. A two-digit classification cannot tell a baker from a horticulturist, so a code corroborates a reading rather than making one. Where a notice reaches you on wording alone the page says so. And a sector government does not buy from will come back empty — that is an answer, not a fault.

What government is doing · the source →

Local government.

Nothing here is written by us

The councils, their codes, their types and what sits above them come from mySociety’s UK local authority names and codes under a Creative Commons licence, with each council’s own website from MHCLG’s planning data platform for England and Wikidata elsewhere. Each council’s own planning, business rates and council tax pages come from GOV.UK under the Open Government Licence, read once when this page is built. The powers and duties come from the controlled list maintained by the Local Government Association’s LG Inform Plus programme, under the Open Government Licence. The postcode box asks postcodes.io from your own browser, so we never see what you typed. No model reads or rewrites anything.

The powers and duties list

Twelve things to know before relying on this

  1. Not one document here was published by a council. That is the honest gap and it belongs at the top of this list. Everything else on this site is central government, Parliament or the national audit bodies. Council committee papers, cabinet decisions, licensing registers and planning applications are in none of it. Some of that is reachable and some is not: there is no national aggregation of licensing registers anywhere, and planning applications cannot be had in bulk on an open licence today.
  2. The powers and duties are somebody’s interpretation, not the statute. The list describes itself as “an interpretation of the powers and duties conferred by law”. It is a good one, maintained by the sector for its own use, and it is still a summary. Nothing here is legal advice and none of it substitutes for reading the Act.
  3. The two halves are not joined, and we have not pretended otherwise. Finding your council does not filter the powers below it. Which tier holds which power — district, county, unitary — is not in the data, and inventing that mapping would be exactly the kind of confident error this site is built to avoid.
  4. The service tags are a second list, joined on. The LGA separately publishes which council services each power or duty enables, and those are the plain-English tags under each entry — “premises licence”, “adoption”, “abandoned vehicles”. Most entries have two; the longest has thirty, so four are shown and the rest are still searchable. Not every entry has one, and the mapping is the LGA’s, not ours.
  5. Most powers do not name their legislation. Only a minority of the descriptions name an Act in their wording — the page counts them for you. Those rows carry a link to a legislation.gov.uk title search — a search, not a deep link to the section. The rest carry no legislation link at all.
  6. The dates on the powers are revision dates. The date on a row is when the LGA last revised that entry. It is a fair guide to how current the wording is and tells you nothing about when the power or duty came into force.
  7. “Under intervention” is three different things, and the card says which. A Best Value notice is the government telling a council it has concerns, short of stepping in. A statutory intervention is the serious end — commissioners, directions, a council no longer fully running itself. Exceptional Financial Support is permission to fund day-to-day spending by selling assets or borrowing, which is the step before a council declares it cannot balance its books. A lapsed notice is marked lapsed rather than dropped. Every one links to the GOV.UK page it came from, because a claim like this ought to be checkable.
  8. Councils are matched to those notices by name, exactly. MHCLG writes “London Borough of Hillingdon Council” where this directory says “Hillingdon”, so names are stripped back before matching — but only an exact match counts. Nothing is matched on a partial name, because “Cambridgeshire” is not “Cambridgeshire and Peterborough Combined Authority”. Anything that fails to match is dropped and reported when the data is rebuilt, rather than pinned on the wrong council.
  9. “Published to the planning platform” means published, not held. A blank is a council that has put nothing on MHCLG’s planning platform, which is not the same as a council without conservation areas — every English council has them and only 307 have published them. So the filter offers “has published nothing” as a choice of its own, because that is itself the finding. England only: the platform does not cover the other three nations, which is the platform’s scope rather than a gap in a Scottish council’s record.
  10. The planning, rates and council tax links go to the council itself. GOV.UK does not run a planning register, send a rates bill or take a council tax payment. Its pages for those things are signposts: one more page, one more click, and then a button to the council’s own site. We follow each signpost once when this data is built and link straight to where the council does the job. Where a council has no such page — Northern Ireland has no planning register on GOV.UK at all — we leave the link off rather than send you to one that does not exist.
  11. Abolished councils are left out. The directory lists only authorities that currently exist, so a historic document naming Allerdale or Corby will not resolve here. English reorganisation is live and this list will change again.
  12. Different geographies. The directory covers all four nations. The powers and duties list covers England and Wales only, because that is what the LGA maintains. A Scottish or Northern Irish council appears above and its powers do not appear below.

What government is doing · the source →

Who ministers and officials are meeting.

Nothing here is written by us

Under the Ministerial Code every department publishes, once a quarter, a list of its ministers’ meetings with outside organisations, the gifts they gave and received, the hospitality they accepted and the overseas trips they took. Those lists are spreadsheets attached to a publication on GOV.UK. This source opens them and puts every line in one place. The words in each row are the department’s own; no model reads or rewrites anything, and every row links back to the return it came from.

Departments publish the same returns for two other groups of people, under separate transparency rules and on separate collection pages: their senior officials — permanent secretaries and directors general — and their special advisers. Those are here too, and the Whose return filter holds the three apart. An official’s return adds one thing a minister’s does not: a business expenses table, which is the officials’ equivalent of a minister’s overseas travel and covers domestic journeys as well.

The Ministerial Code, which requires these returns

Seven things to know before relying on this

  1. This is what departments declare, and a meeting is not influence. A row means somebody’s office recorded a meeting and wrote down a purpose, usually in a few words. It does not tell you who asked for it, who else was in the room, what was said or what followed. Categories still sit outside the returns — party business, and anything a department judged not to be departmental business. Read a row as a fact about the diary.
  2. The three roles are not published to the same standard. Ministers’ returns are required by the Ministerial Code and every department files them. Senior officials’ and special advisers’ returns are required by separate transparency commitments, and departments interpret them more loosely: some name every director general, some only the permanent secretary; some publish advisers’ meetings and some publish only their gifts. A role that is thin for a department is usually thin because that department published less, not because fewer people were in the room. Use the Whose return and Department filters together before drawing any comparison between two departments.
  3. Nil returns are counted, not shown. A large share of what is published is a department recording that somebody met nobody, gave nothing and claimed nothing that quarter — on the officials’ tables, every named person appears every quarter whether or not they did anything. Leaving those in would have made most of this source a list of things that did not happen, so they are dropped when the source is built and counted instead. The count is kept with each year’s data. A person absent from a quarter either filed a nil return or was not named at all, and this source cannot tell you which.
  4. Departments are months apart, and the gap is theirs. The returns are quarterly and published in arrears, so the most recent quarter is normally three to six months old before it appears. Some departments are much further behind than that, and one or two have stopped for a while and then caught up in a batch. The Department filter is the honest way to see this: pick one and look at the newest date, and remember that a department’s ministers, officials and advisers are three separate collections that can each be at a different stage. A department missing from a period published nothing for it.
  5. Gifts and hospitality often carry no date, so they are dated to the quarter. Many of these tables give a value and an outcome but no day. Rather than invent one, the row takes the last day of the quarter it was published for and says dated to the quarter beside its kind. Sorting by date will therefore bunch those rows at the end of each quarter. Meetings and travel almost always carry a real date.
  6. The spreadsheets disagree with each other, and a few cannot be read at all. The same return arrives as CSV from one department, Excel from the next and OpenDocument from a third, with the columns named differently in each. They are matched by pattern rather than by position. Files in the old binary .xls format — mostly pre-2019 — are not read, and the refresh job names every file it could not open rather than passing over it in silence. So the further back you go, the thinner this gets.
  7. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the National Audit Office source, the consultation finder and the rest. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, and a row has to reach that sector, or use your own words, to stay on screen. A row here is a name and a short purpose, which is less to go on than a document title, so expect fewer matches and press Clear to see the year in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Find an official.

Nothing here is written by us

Every government department, agency and arm’s-length body has to publish an organogram — a spreadsheet of its senior posts, naming who holds each one, which unit it sits in and which post it reports to, alongside a second file giving the headcount underneath. They are published quarterly on data.gov.uk under the Open Government Licence, around 350 of them, and nothing joins them up. This directory joins them up. Every job title, name and unit is the body’s own; every post links back to the organogram it came from. The source page says when it was last refreshed.

The organograms on data.gov.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. It is a photograph, not a live list. Each body publishes once a quarter and they are not in step with one another — one body’s posts may be dated June while another’s are dated September. Every post carries the date of the snapshot it came from, so read that date before you read the name. People move; a post shown as filled may have changed hands, and a body that has not published for over a year is still listed, dated as it is.
  2. “Post vacant” means vacant. A blank name does not. The template asks each body for the post-holder’s name and offers two other answers: Vacant where nobody holds the post, and N/D where the body is not disclosing who does. Those are different facts about government, so the source keeps them apart — a post reads Post vacant, Name not published or Name not given, and only the first is an empty chair. The distinction carries most of the source: HM Revenue and Customs withholds around 520 of its senior names and the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology around 150, so treating a withheld name as a vacancy would empty most of Whitehall. Search results put the posts somebody actually holds first, and the empty ones below them.
  3. Senior posts only, and the staff numbers are approximate by design. The named rows are the senior civil service and equivalents. Everybody below them appears only as headcount against the post they report to, with generic job titles rather than names — and any unit of fewer than five people is published as “<5” so an individual cannot be identified. Those are counted as small teams rather than guessed at, which is why a total reads leads 34 staff, plus 2 small teams.
  4. No pay, and no contact details, on purpose. The files carry an actual pay band for every named post and the salary cost of everyone reporting to them. It is openly licensed and anyone can read it at the link above. But a searchable national list of named individuals against their salaries is a different thing from a directory of who owns which policy area, and this page is the second. The grade is kept, which is the part that answers how senior somebody is.
  5. Coverage is whatever the catalogue holds. Central government, its agencies and its public bodies are here. Local government is not — for councils, use the local government. Neither is the NHS, most of the devolved administrations’ own bodies, or any body that has quietly stopped publishing. A missing body means a missing file, not a body with no senior staff.
  6. The match box works from a hand-written list of sectors, and it hides things. It is the same word list as the National Audit Office source, the consultation finder and the rest. Your description is placed into one of around thirty sectors, and a post has to reach that sector, or use your own words, to stay on screen. A post is a job title and a unit, which is little to go on, so expect fewer matches and press Clear to see everything.

What government is doing · the source →

Government bodies.

Nothing here is written by us

GOV.UK maintains a list of every organisation it publishes for, and records how each one relates to the others: which department a body sits under, what sits under it, and — when a body closes — whether it was split, merged, replaced or simply wound up, and which bodies took its work. This directory is that list. Every name, type and relationship is GOV.UK’s own; nothing here is inferred. Refreshed monthly; the directory page says when it last ran.

Alongside it, each department carries the postal address and the correspondence inbox that ministerial mail goes to. Those come from a second Cabinet Office publication, the List of Ministerial Responsibilities, and they are the department’s own published routes — not anybody’s personal address.

The same list on GOV.UK

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. Closed bodies are kept, on purpose. A large share of these no longer exist, and most of those name the bodies that took over. That is the most useful thing here: a document, a statutory instrument or an old contract that names the Homes and Communities Agency is talking about Homes England and the Regulator of Social Housing, which both exist today. A directory of only live bodies could not tell you that. Use the Status filter to see live ones alone.
  2. “Split” means more than one successor, and that is not a tidy answer. When a body is split its work goes to two or more places and there is no single organisation you can point at. The card names them all rather than picking one. Merged, replaced and renamed each say what they mean; where GOV.UK records a closure with no successor at all, the card says that too rather than leaving a blank.
  3. It is government as GOV.UK publishes it, which is not all of government. Local authorities are not here — for those, use the local government. Nor are most bodies of the devolved administrations, the courts, or anything that has never published on GOV.UK. A body missing from this list is missing from that list, which is a different thing from not existing.
  4. The contact is a department’s front door, not a person’s desk. Where a body appears in the Cabinet Office’s list, its ministerial correspondence address is shown. That inbox is staffed and read, and it is published so that people write to it. What is deliberately not here is any individual official’s work address or telephone number: those are personal data, which the Open Government Licence does not cover, and guessing at firstname.lastname@ produces addresses a departmental mail server will accept and never deliver. Only the twenty-odd departments on that list have a contact line. An agency or public body shows none, because writing to its parent department about its business is not the same as writing to it — use the body’s own GOV.UK page for that.
  5. Types are GOV.UK’s own categories. “Executive non-departmental public body”, “Other” and the rest are the labels GOV.UK applies, not a classification made here. They are uneven — “Other” is large — and a body’s type says less about what it does than its parent does.

What government is doing · the source →

NHS England publications.

Nothing here is written by us

Every title, date, topic and kind comes from NHS England’s own publications listing, read through the website’s public interface. The summary under each title is the one NHS England wrote. No model reads or rewrites anything, and every row links to the publication’s own page. The source page says when it was last refreshed.

NHS England’s publications

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. This is the gap GOV.UK leaves. Every other source on this site is built on GOV.UK, and NHS England does not publish there. The Department of Health and Social Care does — you will find its consultations, policy papers and guidance in our data platform next door. But the body that runs the health service and issues the instructions providers actually follow publishes on its own website, and until now none of it was here. If you work with or in the NHS, this is the source that was missing.
  2. “Guidance” is most of it, and it is not all the same weight. Guidance is by far the largest kind, ahead of case studies, letters and reports. A national planning framework and a single service specification are both filed as guidance, and the source does not rank them — NHS England does not publish a measure of significance and neither should we. Use the Kind of publication filter to separate board papers and letters from the rest.
  3. The topics are NHS England’s categories, not ours. They are the labels its own website applies, they are uneven, and a document can sit under several. The source shows the first and does not invent one where NHS England gave none. That is different from the sector matching in the box above, which reads your description against this site’s own word list.
  4. The summary comes from a field that may move. These records carry no standard summary, so the description is read from a custom field whose name is a generated identifier rather than a word. It works today. The day NHS England rebuilds that part of its site the field will change name, and the refresh job reports how many documents came back without a summary precisely so that shows up as a number rather than as rows quietly losing their text.
  5. Blogs and long reads are deliberately left out. The same website publishes both, through the same interface, and neither is a publication in the sense this source means. Only the documents are here.

What government is doing · the source →

Contacts, and how addresses are shaped.

Four sources, and a fifth thing that is not a source at all

Organisations’ own enquiries inboxes come from the contact groups GOV.UK publishes for each body. Named officials come from explanatory memoranda on legislation.gov.uk — the document laid before Parliament alongside a statutory instrument, which names the person to write to about it. Named buyers come from the contact point on Find a Tender notices. Elected members come from the contact details the House of Commons, the House of Lords and the Scottish Parliament publish for them.

The fifth thing is the address format, and nobody publishes it. It is worked out here, by asking of every published address whether it decomposes into the name of the person it was published against. That test is the whole engine: an address that does is evidence about how a body names mailboxes, and an address that does not is a team inbox and must never count.

legislation.gov.uk

Seven things to know before relying on this

  1. This is not covered by the Open Government Licence, and nothing else on the site is in that position. The OGL excludes personal data in its first exclusion, and so does the Open Parliament Licence. A named official’s work email address is personal data under UK law even though it is a work address and even though their employer published it. So the named part of this register is held under legitimate interests rather than under a licence. The privacy notice sets out the reasoning, the retention period and how to be removed.
  2. It reports what was published, not what is true now. Every record carries the document it came from and that document’s date, and the page says so on each one. An official named in a memorandum three years ago has very likely moved. Nothing here is verified against a mail server, and it could not be: government mail servers accept anything, so a probe would prove nothing and would look like reconnaissance.
  3. Records are kept for five years. Older ones are not published and not kept. That is shorter than the ten years the pattern engine could use, and it costs real evidence at bodies that publish contacts rarely — a deliberate trade, made because a decade-old named record on a public page is the hardest part of this to defend.
  4. Some bodies are excluded before anything is collected. Defence, intelligence, policing, prisons and probation, enforcement and child protection — 76 organisations, excluded by who their parent body is rather than by matching words in their name, because name matching caught the Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body and missed Sellafield.
  5. A suggested address is a guess, and it is never stored. Where a body has published at least five different people’s addresses in the same shape, that shape covers nine in ten of them, and one example is recent, the page can build what somebody else’s address would probably be. It is built in your browser when you ask for it, it is written to no file, and it carries its warning in full every time it is shown. An address this site worked out is never published.
  6. A team inbox is marked as one. Four of the first seven memoranda contacts sampled gave a named official and a team address — Defra’s packaging inbox rather than the official’s own mailbox. Those are kept, because they are a good route to write to, and labelled, because implying that [email protected] belongs to the person named would be wrong in both directions.
  7. Old addresses on the Government Secure Intranet are folded onto the modern domain. Everything before about 2019 gives an address ending .gsi.gov.uk, retired that year. The mailbox naming survived the migration and the domain did not, so those count towards the shape of a body’s addresses and are not somewhere anyone can write today.

What government is doing · the source →

NHS bodies.

Nothing here is written by us

Every name, code, address and relationship comes from the NHS Organisation Data Service — the register NHS England runs to give each body its code. It is the same register the health service uses to route payments and referrals, published openly under the Open Government Licence. Every row links to the body’s own entry in it. The source page says when it was last refreshed.

The Organisation Data Service

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. “Active” in the source does not mean the body exists. The source marks 380 NHS trusts active; England has about 215. It marks the Health Protection Agency active, and that was abolished in 2013. The status field describes the record, not the organisation. What describes the organisation is its legal end date, so this directory reads every body’s own record and marks it closed when that date has passed. It is the reason a refresh takes a few minutes rather than a few seconds, and it is the difference between a directory and a list of names.
  2. Abolished bodies are kept, on purpose. A large share of these no longer exist. A contract, a board paper or a statutory instrument written five years ago names bodies that have since merged, and a directory of only live ones could not tell you what you were reading. Use the Status filter to see the current ones alone.
  3. This is the commissioning and provider tier, not every NHS address. The source also holds roughly 6,300 GP practices, every pharmacy, every dental and optical practice, every hospital site and thousands of prescribing cost centres. None of those are here. A trust with forty hospitals is one body, not forty.
  4. An integrated care board’s region is its own; a trust’s is inherited. Boards record which NHS England region they sit in. Trusts do not, so a trust shows the region of the board it names. That is the only thing in this directory inferred rather than recorded, and it is one step.
  5. The names are shouted in the source and quietened here. The source stores names in capitals. They are converted for reading, which is the only change made to any value on this page — codes, postcodes, dates and relationships are passed through exactly as published.

What government is doing · the source →

Statistics, and what is coming.

Three sources, and none of them is us

The published half comes from the GOV.UK Search API, filtered to the research and statistics group — the same filter GOV.UK’s own finder uses, so this is the whole of it rather than a guess at which document types count. The forthcoming half comes from GOV.UK’s statistics announcements, which is where a department says what it will publish and when. The ONS release calendar is asked as well, because it is the only one of the three that says out loud when a release has been cancelled or postponed. No model reads or rewrites anything, and every row links to the source page.

GOV.UK research and statistics

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. Nobody publishes a record of statistics that were delayed, so this source keeps its own. None of the three sources carries a “this used to be the 12th” field. What the source does instead is remember: it stores the first release date it ever saw for each announcement and compares it with the date being claimed now. That means slippage is only visible from the day it started watching, which the calendar states in as many words. A blank is not a promise that nothing has moved.
  2. The badge is the producer’s claim, not a judgement. “Accredited official statistics” means the Office for Statistics Regulation has assessed the numbers against the Code of Practice for Statistics. “Official statistics” without it means they have not been assessed — not that they are wrong. The source prints what GOV.UK holds and adds nothing. It also prints the current name against the old key: what the content store still calls “National Statistics” was renamed accredited official statistics in 2023.
  3. The nation is filled in only where the record names one. Most departmental statistics cover England alone and never say so, and a source that quietly labelled them “England” would be inventing a fact about coverage. So a release that names no nation gets none, and the filter offers only what is actually known. Where a title names more than one, the row says “several nations” rather than picking.
  4. Northern Ireland is not here. It is out of scope by choice, not by accident: NISRA and the Northern Ireland departments are dropped, along with releases whose title names Northern Ireland and no other nation. A UK-wide series that mentions the province in passing is kept, because it is a UK series. NISRA is the second-largest statistics producer on GOV.UK, so this is a large and deliberate gap.
  5. Scotland and Wales are here only as far as GOV.UK reaches. The Scottish and Welsh governments publish their own statistics on gov.scot and gov.wales, not on GOV.UK, so what you see here is the Scotland and Wales material that UK departments and the ONS publish. That is a real limit and it is the next thing to fix, not a rounding error.
  6. Some of GOV.UK’s own dates are broken. The announcements index returns a handful of timestamps with impossible years — one March 2024 fisheries release carries the year 20. Those records keep their title and lose their date rather than being sorted to the top of a forward calendar. The refresh job reports how many were dropped, so it shows up as a number rather than as rows quietly going missing.

What government is doing · the source →

Written evidence.

Nothing here is written by us

Every name, committee, inquiry, date and reference comes from the parliament that published it — the Commons and the Lords through Parliament’s own committees API, the Senedd and the Scottish Parliament from the pages their committees publish. No model reads or rewrites anything. This is the one source here that is not government talking: it is what everybody else told a committee, in their own words, on the record.

Search written evidence on parliament.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. This is not what government published. Every other source here is the state saying something. This one is the opposite: a trade body, a charity, a company or a regulator telling a committee what it thinks, usually because the committee asked. It is the best public record there is of who turns up on a subject — and it is an argument being made, not a finding. Read it that way.
  2. A row is one submission, and a submission can have several names on it. Where two organisations sign one piece of evidence the row names both, the way a joint inquiry names both committees. The submission reference beside the date — BBC0094, RD15 — is the parliament’s own: it is how you cite the thing, and how you find it again if a link moves.
  3. Individuals are not named here, and they are not quoted either. Most written evidence comes from people rather than organisations, and Parliament publishes their names. Those rows read “Individual” and the link goes to the parliament’s own page, where the name sits. That is partly a licence point — the Open Parliament Licence covers what Parliament publishes but expressly not “personal data in the information” — and partly a plainer one. People write to committees about their own lives: their health, their money, their families. The name is the least of it. So a private submission here is a link and nothing else, and the words stay where their author put them.
  4. There is a link, not the text. A row holds who, to whom, about what and when. Where the submitter is an organisation — a trade body, a company, a charity — the row also carries the opening of what it said. Nothing else is stored, for two reasons. The archive runs to about 130,000 submissions and the text would have to be fetched one document at a time. And a published submission can be amended afterwards: Erskine May allows it where publication “interferes with a witness’s reasonable expectations regarding privacy”. A copy would outlive the redaction. A link would not.
  5. The back-fill runs from 1 January 2021, and it arrives in that order. The UK Parliament has an API and is collected first; the Senedd and the Scottish Parliament are read from their published pages and follow. The Northern Ireland Assembly is not here at all. Oral evidence — the transcripts of committee sessions — is not here either, and neither are committee reports, which have their own source. The line above the results always says which months are loaded, and a search only looks at those.
  6. A joint inquiry files under both committees at once. Where two committees run an inquiry together the committee cell holds both names joined, exactly as the committee reports source does — so filtering on one of them alone will not find the joint ones. Search the inquiry instead. And the match box works from the same hand-written sector list as the consultation finder, so a description that works there works here; press Clear to see the month in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Letters to ministers.

Nothing here is written by us

Every name, date, department and subject comes from the body that published the letter: Parliament’s committee publications, the index of papers deposited in the House libraries, and the correspondence departments publish on GOV.UK. Where a letter is shown in full, those are the writer’s own words, unedited. No model rewrites anything. What a model does do is read the one sentence each source uses to describe a letter — “Letter dated 15/08/2025 from X to Y regarding Z” — and split it into a sender and a recipient, which is the only part of this register that is inferred rather than copied.

Search committee publications on parliament.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. These are the letters somebody published, which is not the same as the letters that were sent. Departments answer hundreds of thousands of letters a year — the Cabinet Office publishes the percentages answered on time and nothing else. What reaches this register is the small, deliberate slice that a committee, a library or a department chose to put on the record. It is the best public account there is of who is pressing whom in writing, and it is a sample, not a census. Nobody can tell you how large a sample.
  2. Who wrote to whom is read out of a sentence, not out of a field. None of the three sources publishes a sender and a recipient as separate data. Both names are pulled out of the description, and where the sentence does not make them plain the row keeps its own description as its heading, shows no direction, and offers no filter. That is deliberate: an empty answer is recoverable and a confident wrong one is not. If you are counting rows rather than reading them, count the ones with a direction and say so.
  3. Some letters can be read here in full, and most cannot. Where a minister, a senior official, a government department or a parliamentary committee wrote the letter, its words are Crown or parliamentary copyright and the Open Government Licence and the Open Parliament Licence allow it to be published here. Regulators are checked one by one, because they differ: those that are part of the Crown or publish under the Open Government Licence (Ofqual, Ofgem, Ofwat, Ofsted, the Office of Rail and Road, the CMA, the Information Commissioner and others) are shown in full like a department; Ofcom is shown in full under its own terms, with its copyright credited at the top of the letter; and the FCA, the Payment Systems Regulator, the Bank of England and the PRA, the Civil Aviation Authority and the National Audit Office, whose terms do not allow it, are links only. A letter written by a company, a charity, any other regulator or a private person belongs to whoever wrote it — a committee publishing it does not license it to anybody else — so those rows carry a link to the original and nothing more. The same rule takes out any deposit whose own title says it attaches or encloses somebody else’s letter, because that is two letters in one document and there is no way to publish half of it.
  4. A letter published as a scan has no text to show. Where the text is here it was read out of the PDF the publisher uploaded. Some letters are photographs of paper, and those open to a note saying so and a link to the original rather than to a page of nonsense.
  5. The date is the date the letter was written, where anybody said so. Deposited papers put it in the title and that is what the row uses. Committee correspondence and GOV.UK give a publication date, which can be weeks after the letter — so a reply that looks slow may not have been, and a gap between a letter and its answer is a ceiling on the real delay rather than the delay itself. Where a letter was written on one day and made public on another, the register keeps both: it shows you the day it was written, and the weekly briefing uses the day it became public, because that is the day it was news.
  6. Three sources, three different slices, and one big absence. Committee correspondence is chairs and ministers; deposited papers are ministers answering parliamentarians; GOV.UK is departments writing outwards, to councils and regulators. What no source covers is the open letter — the trade body, the charity coalition, the hundred signatories in a newspaper. There is no public index of those anywhere, so they are not here, and their absence is the single biggest thing this register does not see.

What government is doing · the source →

Register of interests.

Nothing here is written by us

Every member, category, payer, amount and date comes from the House of Commons, through Parliament’s own interests API. No model reads or rewrites anything. Each entry is a thing an MP declared about themselves, in the words the register uses, and every row links back to that member’s page on parliament.uk.

The register on parliament.uk

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. This is the register as it stands, not a history. What you are reading is every interest currently on the Commons register — which is a little more current than the fortnightly edition Parliament publishes, because an entry registered since the last edition is already in the API and is already here. What it is not is an archive. Parliament has published fifty editions since March 2024 and every one of them is available; we hold today’s. So this will tell you what an MP declares. It will not tell you what they used to declare and no longer do.
  2. MPs, and only MPs. There is no Lords register here, because there is none in this API — the Lords publish theirs separately. There is no register of MPs’ staff interests either, although the API’s own schema names one: as at September 2026 nothing at all is published under it. The page is built to carry it, and a Register filter will appear the day Parliament starts publishing it.
  3. Private individuals are not named. A great many payers and donors are people rather than companies — a personal donation towards an MP’s office costs, a gift from a constituent. Parliament names them; we do not. Those rows read “Private individual”, the name is struck out of the summary as well as the tag, and the link goes to the member’s own page on parliament.uk where the name sits. That is a licence point — the Open Parliament Licence covers what Parliament publishes but expressly not “personal data in the information” — and a plainer one: a searchable index of who privately gave money to a politician is a different object from a register, and not one we were asked to build. Organisations are named in full, every time. No payer’s address is kept at all, company or person, which is a rule with no exceptions.
  4. Five category headings are shortened, and here they are. The register’s own heading for category 2 runs to sixty-eight characters and takes five lines in the cell beside the date. So five of the ten are shortened and the rest are passed through word for word. “Donations and other support (including loans) for activities as an MP” reads as Donations and support as an MP; “Gifts, benefits and hospitality from UK sources” as Gifts and hospitality, UK; “Gifts and benefits from sources outside the UK” as Gifts and benefits, non-UK; “Land and property (within or outside the UK)” as Land and property; and “Family members engaged in third-party lobbying” as Family members lobbying. Nothing else is renamed.
  5. The amount you can filter on is a band; the amount in the entry is exact. A filter offering four thousand distinct figures is not a filter, so the control offers six bands — and they are the register’s own thresholds rather than round numbers, because £300 is where a gift must be declared and £1,500 is where earnings must be. The exact figure is always in the line underneath, as the register wrote it. Where an entry carries no amount at all — an unpaid directorship, a shareholding, a piece of land — it says so rather than showing nothing.
  6. The date is when it was registered, not when it happened or when it appeared. An MP has twenty-eight days to register something, so a payment received in August can be registered in September and published a fortnight after that. We show the registration date, because it is the one date every category has. A rectified entry — a correction the Commons has recorded — carries the word Rectified as a tag, which is a thing almost nobody surfaces and worth looking for.

What government is doing · the source →

Oral questions.

Nothing here is written by us

Every question, name, party, constituency and date comes from Parliament’s own oral questions service. No model reads or rewrites anything. The line under each question says who tabled it and who answered it, and nothing else. The link goes to that question’s own debate in Hansard where we can identify it, and to the day’s sitting where we cannot. The source is rebuilt every day; the source page says when it last ran.

Parliament’s oral questions service

Five things to know before relying on this

  1. Part of this source has not happened yet. Everything else on this site is a record of something done. An oral question is published the moment it is tabled, which is several days before it is asked, so the register carries questions for sittings still to come — those rows say “Not yet asked” and link to the Order Paper rather than to Hansard. A question can still be withdrawn, and a sitting can still move. Treat a forthcoming row as an intention, not a transcript.
  2. Withdrawn questions are not here at all. A question that was tabled and then pulled never reached a minister, so counting it would overstate what a department was actually asked. They are dropped rather than greyed out. Questions that were tabled and simply not reached — the House ran out of time — are kept, and say so, because those were asked of the department even if nobody got to their feet.
  3. The Commons only, and substantive questions only in the first half hour. These are Commons departmental questions: a Secretary of State takes questions roughly once every five weeks, starting with substantive questions tabled in advance and shuffled for a place, then topicals. Every topical question carries the same formula — “If he will make a statement on his departmental responsibilities” — so its text tells you nothing and the Kind filter is there to put them aside. Lords oral questions are a different proceeding and are not in this source.
  4. The link to Hansard is matched, not given. Parliament’s oral questions service publishes no link to the record — the field for it is empty on every row, forthcoming and historic alike. Hansard does publish each question as its own item, titled with its subject, so each question is matched to the debate whose title its own words contain. Where two debates are too close to tell apart, the row falls back to that department’s question time, and failing that to the day’s sitting. A row is never linked to a debate we are not confident of. The second link under a matched row is always the whole sitting, so the surrounding exchange is one press away.
  5. What is deliberately not here. Written questions and the answers to them are a different thing, far larger, and have their own page. Early Day Motions come from the same service and are not built yet. The supplementary questions that follow the one on the Order Paper are not here either: they are not tabled, so Parliament publishes no record of them until Hansard has the debate, which is what the link is for. And the match box works from the same hand-written sector list as the consultation finder and the rest. Press Clear to see the year in full.

What government is doing · the source →

Research funding.

The facts are UKRI’s. The sentences are ours.

Every funder, funding type, award figure and date comes from UKRI’s funding finder. No model reads or rewrites anything. What we do not take is UKRI’s own description of each call — the paragraph under the title on their site — because that is UKRI’s writing rather than a fact about the world. The line you see under each opportunity here is composed from the facts above it. Every row links out, and the call itself is always the thing to read.

The funding finder on ukri.org

Six things to know before relying on this

  1. This is not an Open Government Licence source, and it is the only one here that is not. UKRI’s terms of use put their site under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike licence — not the OGL that covers GOV.UK, and not the Open Parliament Licence that covers Hansard. NonCommercial and ShareAlike are both awkward for a paid product. So this register takes facts and not prose, keeps the window to live calls rather than mirroring the archive, links out on every row, and attributes UKRI in the footer of the page. That is the most careful reading available; it is not the same as permission, and we have asked UKRI for theirs.
  2. Open and opening soon. Nothing that has closed. The finder holds a little over 1,600 opportunities once closed ones are counted; 142 of them were open or upcoming on 15 September 2026, and those are what is here. A closed call is not something you can apply to, and an archive of them is a much larger extraction than a live window. If you want the history of a scheme, the finder itself has it.
  3. About a third of the calls have no closing date at all. Fifty of those 142 said either “Open – no closing date” or “to be confirmed”. Some of those are genuinely open-ended — Innovate UK’s innovation loans, for instance — and some are pre-announcements where UKRI has not settled the date. They are all here, undated, sorting after everything with a deadline, and the page says so above the table. Dropping them would have made the register look tidier and told you less.
  4. Soonest first, which is the opposite of every other register here. An archive answers “what happened”, so the newest record goes first. A list of calls answers “what can I still do”, so the nearest deadline goes first, and the panel at the top of the page shows what closes in the next thirty days. Both narrow with the filters and the search box.
  5. The funder shown is the lead funder. UKRI writes a funder out in full — “Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC)” — and a good many calls name three or four councils plus a government department. The filter offers the acronym of the first; the rest, and any co-funding department, are in the detail line under each result. So filtering on MRC will not find every call MRC has a hand in, and the search box will.
  6. There is no interface to this, so it is read off the page. UKRI publishes no data feed for opportunities: their site’s own developer interface covers councils, news, publications and events, and stops there. There is a subscription feed of new calls, but it only ever carries the twenty most recent and it orders them by the day they first appeared — so a deadline that moves never shows up in it, which is exactly the change worth knowing about. This register therefore reads the listing pages themselves, once a week. If UKRI redesigns those pages the collector finds nothing and stops, rather than quietly writing an empty register over a good one; the failure is loud on purpose.

The dashboards

Whether it worked and What government is doing.

The dashboards read our data platform, they do not hold their own data

Whether it worked sits over the audit sources and follows one rule through every check made on it — the department’s forecast, the Regulatory Policy Committee’s verdict on that forecast, the review five years on, and the auditor’s work. What government is doing sits over the publication sources and asks what government is saying about a subject. Both read our data platform’ own data files directly, so the moment a source is rebuilt the dashboard moves with it. Every figure in the prose on those pages is drawn from the data rather than typed in.

Three things to know about the dashboards

  1. The four audit sources barely join up, and the joins are deliberately thin. Impact assessments and post-implementation reviews both carry an IA number, and the two sets do not overlap at all. Regulatory Policy Committee opinions carry no IA number. National Audit Office reports carry no key of any kind. So the policy view links records on their wording, behind four guards that between them produce a couple of dozen links across several hundred records. Under-linking was chosen on purpose: a wrong join here would read as a finding.
  2. Describing your organisation narrows the whole page, not just the table. The tiles, the chain and the cycle panels all move with your description. A figure that cannot honestly be narrowed to one organisation — a total for the whole record — is hidden rather than left showing a number that no longer means what it says.
  3. One date format, because our data platform write dates five ways. Everything is shown as D MMM YYYY, read day-first, which is also what the “newest” sort uses. One bad date is left as it arrives rather than quietly corrected: a Defra consultation on land use in England is published with the year 0025, and the page prints it that way so the error stays visible at the source.

The briefing · the briefing →

The weekly briefing.

The briefing is the only thing here that reads every source at once

Each dashboard takes a set of sources and asks one question of it. The weekly briefing takes the lot — Westminster, Holyrood, the Senedd, the four audit bodies, the courts, select committees, live procurement and the GOV.UK publications — and throws almost all of it away. The briefing page itself sets out the four stages that happen before anything is ranked; what follows is what sits underneath them.

The four stages, on the briefing page

Four things to know about the briefing

  1. Everything is dated from when it first appeared in our index, not from the date on the page. A GOV.UK document that was re-dated on Tuesday is not news on Tuesday. The index keeps the day each document was first seen, which is the only date that answers the question a weekly briefing is actually asking.
  2. The three parliaments are capped at one slot each, and that is a judgement. Parliament answered 56,923 written questions in 2026, and Holyrood and the Senedd publish every agenda item of every sitting. At any ordinary weight they would simply become the briefing. They carry the lowest weights of anything here, and what the single slot buys is the one thing no GOV.UK source does: a written answer names a sector, a regulator or a company outright, constantly, where a policy paper never does.
  3. The number worth judging it on is what it discarded. Around one document in eight is routine housekeeping — spend returns, board minutes, privacy notices, statistical methodology — and it outranks real news because it is written in the language that scoring rewards. The briefing shows its own discard count over your description, and the discarded documents are there to open, which is the only way to check whether it threw away the right things.
  4. Which bodies matter to a sector is derived from our data platform, not asserted. Each sector carries the bodies that actually regulate, fund or inspect it, worked out from who publishes about that sector across the whole corpus. An item from outside that set, on a subject that is not your main one, has to work considerably harder to qualify. That list is rebuilt whenever a source is added.

Glossary

The words, unpacked.

Government writes for people who already work in it. Almost every abbreviation on this site belongs to somebody else’s trade, so here they all are in one place, in plain words. If something on a source is not explained here, that is a gap worth telling us about.

What government publishes

Impact assessment (IA)
The sums a department does before it makes a rule: who it will affect, what it will cost them, what it is meant to achieve. Written before the rule exists, so it is a forecast rather than a finding.
Post-implementation review (PIR)
The look back at whether a rule did what the impact assessment said it would. Most rules are supposed to get one within five years. Most do not.
Consultation
Government asking the public, or an industry, what it thinks before deciding. It has an opening and a closing date, and afterwards a summary of what people said.
Green paper
An early document that puts options on the table without committing to any of them. If you want to change something, this is the stage at which it is cheapest to do so.
White paper
The later document that says what government intends to do. The argument has largely been had by this point.
Policy paper
The catch-all for a statement of what government thinks or plans that is neither a consultation nor formal guidance.
Guidance
Instructions on how to comply with something. Not law, but usually the practical version of it, and often the only version anyone reads.
Statutory instrument (SI)
A law made by a minister under a power Parliament has already granted, without a new Act. Most regulation arrives this way.
Transparency release
Information a department publishes because it has to rather than because it wants to: spending over a threshold, senior salaries, who ministers met.
Freedom of Information (FOI)
The right to ask a public body for information it holds. Departments publish the answers to some requests, and those published answers are what this site indexes.
Written ministerial statement (WMS)
A minister putting something on the parliamentary record in writing rather than standing up to say it.
Written answer
A reply to a question an MP or peer submitted in writing. Often the only place a specific company, contract or figure is named outright.
Hansard
The record of what was said in the Westminster Parliament. Holyrood calls its version the Official Report; the Senedd calls its version the Record of Proceedings.
Framework agreement
A pre-approved list of suppliers a public body can buy from without running a fresh competition each time. Getting onto one is often the real contest.

Who publishes it

Regulatory Policy Committee (RPC)
An independent body that marks departments’ impact assessments and reviews, and says whether the evidence behind them is fit for purpose. Its verdict is green, amber or red.
Small and Micro Business Assessment (SaMBA)
The part of an impact assessment that has to consider what a rule does to businesses with fewer than fifty staff. One of the parts the RPC most often marks down.
National Audit Office (NAO)
Parliament’s auditor. It examines whether public money achieved what it was spent for, and reports after the fact.
Audit Scotland, Audit Wales
The same job for the devolved administrations, reporting to the Scottish Parliament and the Senedd.
Select committee
A cross-party group of MPs or peers that examines one department or subject, takes evidence and publishes reports the government has to answer.
Arm’s length body (ALB)
An organisation that does government work at a distance from ministers — an agency, a regulator, a public corporation. Also called a non-departmental public body (NDPB).
UK Regulators Network (UKRN)
The group through which the main economic regulators coordinate. A useful single list of who regulates what.
Organisation Data Service (ODS)
NHS England’s register of every NHS organisation and its code. The reason two spellings of the same trust can be reconciled.
Find a Tender (FTS)
The official service where higher-value public contracts must be advertised, and where the award is published afterwards.
Common Procurement Vocabulary (CPV)
The numbered code every tender carries to say what is being bought. It is how a contract for “managed print services” can be found by someone searching for printers.
Organogram
The staff structure a department publishes: senior posts, who reports to whom, and which are vacant. The source behind “find an official”.

Words we use on this site

Source
One of our searchable collections of a single kind of document — consultations, tenders, NAO reports. Each has its own page, and its own section above explaining where it comes from and what it misses.
Whether it worked
The dashboard over the four sources that scrutinise: impact assessments, RPC opinions, post-implementation reviews and NAO reports. It follows one policy through forecast, verdict, review and audit.
What government is doing
The dashboard over our data platform where government talks to you: consultations, announcements, policy papers, guidance and transparency releases.
Sector
The subject area a document is sorted into. Worked out from the words in the document rather than assigned by hand, which is why a document can sit in more than one, and why some sit in none.
Lens
A view that counts what other sources hold about one thing — a regulator, a body — rather than holding its own copy of it.
The briefing
The weekly email that reads every source at once and throws almost all of it away, keeping what matters to the organisation you described.
First seen
The day a document first appeared in our index. We date things by this rather than by the date printed on them, because a document re-dated on Tuesday is not news on Tuesday.